Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe / Krakow International Studies

The following article examines the concept of permanent neutrality in the Republic of Moldova as a potential instrument for ensuring its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national security within the state’s complex geopolitical context. The author presents the theoretical and legal foundations of the institution of permanent neutrality under international law, reconstructs the main theses of the Moldovan legal debate on the sensibility and effectiveness of such a status, and discusses selected positions of Moldovan scholars. The article highlights the benefits, limitations, and illusions discussed by Moldovan academics regarding neutrality in the realities of aggressive great-power politics and unresolved Transnistrian separatism. It concludes that, although neutrality remains a constitutional principle in Moldova, its actual implementation and international legal confirmation seem highly unrealistic or fraught with serious risks under current conditions, requiring a reconsideration of the role of this concept in Moldova’s foreign policy. In conclusion, Moldova should not view its international legal status as a means to resolve its sovereignty and territorial integrity issues.

The article analyzes the role of NATO through the lens of its public diplomacy from the 1950s to the first quarter of the 21st century. It emphasizes that NATO utilized both traditional and modern diplomacy. NATO’s soft power instruments included international conferences and strategic dialogue. The image of NATO was often associated with the perception of the USA in the international environment. The task of public diplomacy was to present NATO as a tool for strengthening the transatlantic community, defending democracy, and upholding a rules-based international order. NATO’s public diplomacy played an important role due to prevailing tensions and conflicts in the international environment, resulting from the geopolitical situation in the world (i.e., the Cold War, regional conflicts, the struggle for hegemony).

The aim of this study was to identify and analyze differences in the perception of mutual relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan among citizens of both countries in the years 2019–2023. Based on available public opinion reports, a detailed assessment was conducted of the perception of the state of Korean-Japanese relations, their social significance, and the image of the partner country and its leader. The study used a comparative analysis method to assess the evolution of selected aspects of these relations over time. The results of the analysis indicate an overall improvement in the perception of mutual relations and political leaders in both countries during the period analyzed. At the same time, discrepancies were observed in the perception of the importance of bilateral relations and the impression made by the partner country: while there was an improvement in these areas in Japan, a deterioration was noted in the Republic of Korea. The results obtained allow us to conclude that there is an asymmetry in the perception of Korean-Japanese relations and indicate the need to take these differences into account in analyses of international politics and public diplomacy.

The aim of this article is to present the potential of selected Polish grain terminals and their modernization. According to the author, as a result of the ongoing investments, Polish terminals will be sufficiently prepared for the delivery, storage, and transport of grain. Measures to improve the performance of the ports of Gdańsk, Gdynia, Szczecin and Świnoujście were presented, especially in the context of competition from German infrastructure. Furthermore, the author shows the obstacles to modernize the infrastructure and negative aspects of the investments. The author uses a comparative and prognostic method.

The aim of the article is to indicate the main features of the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany towards Russia and German-Russian relations in the post-Cold War period, especially in the second decade of the 21st century. A special focus has been placed on Germany’s policy towards Russia after Russia’s armed intervention in Ukraine (24 February 2022). The main thesis of the study is contained in the statement that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has led to a fundamental change in German Russlandpolitik. That refers particularly to the perception of Russia by German political decision-makers as the main threat to the European security, which also triggered tendencies to limit dependency on Russian Energy resources. Of course, it is not certain that these changes in German politics are irreversible.

This article examines the conflicts and negotiations leading to the development and conclusion of trade agreements between the United States and China. This issue has a long history, dating back to the period when China was still a non-market economy engaged in disputes with market economy countries belonging to the globalist network of international organizations. Therefore, the authors utilize a historical-comparative methodology in this study.
The article consists of three main parts, the first of which is devoted to an analysis of thematic issues from the period preceding China’s accession to the WTO. Part two focuses on U.S.-China relations during Donald Trump’s first term and the early part of his second term as president. It focuses on the issue of subsidies used by non-market economies or those in transition, as well as the parallel application of countervailing and anti-dumping duties in relations with these countries. It also examines U.S.-China monetary disputes and disputes over freedom of communication, including internet freedom. The final part focuses on the ongoing negotiations leading to the development and conclusion of a trade agreement between the United States and China in the last week of June 2025. While the details of the agreement are not yet fully known, the agreement was undoubtedly expected to be a breakthrough in international trade relations. For a time, the agreement’s significance was undermined by the threat of tariffs on the People’s Republic of China for purchasing Russian oil. The recurring conflict between the two powers was highlighted by the media during the exchange of accusations between delegations of both countries in Alaska in parallel with President Donald Trump’s meeting with Wladimir Putin.

This article aims to present a concept of German leadership in the European Union grounded in German and European interests, values, and principles: peace, freedom, security, democracy, the rule of law, responsibility, respect for human rights, and international cooperation. It is based on an analysis of coalition agreements concluded by German governments between 2018 and 2025. It is divided into several sections reflecting the content of the aforementioned documents and the research questions posed in their analysis. The research resulted in the verification of the main hypothesis: that the concept of German leadership in the EU presented in the coalition agreements from 2018, 2021, and 2025 still aligns German interests with European interests, and the subsidiary hypothesis: that this concept is linked to the belief that only a value-based, more efficient, and stronger European Union – politically, economically, and militarily – can play a role in the international arena. The article was written using comparative methods and document analysis.